Moroccan intelligence operations: uncovering the dged’s infiltration of the polisario from latin america
A fascinating and unprecedented look into the clandestine operations of Moroccan diplomacy and intelligence has come to light. A series of confidential dispatches, dating back to October 2008, originating from the Moroccan embassy in Caracas, Venezuela, unveils how Rabat meticulously orchestrated a strategy of infiltration and diplomatic counter-offensives. This intricate plan aimed to undermine the Polisario Front and diminish Algerian influence across Central America, leveraging crucial intelligence provided by Sahrawi diplomat Salama Ould Hennane.
These compelling letters, addressed directly to Yassine El Mansouri, who leads the DGED (Direction Générale des Études et de la Documentation – Morocco’s foreign intelligence service), were penned by Ambassador Dr Brahim Housseine Moussa. They illuminate profound tribal divisions within the separatist movement and highlight significant geopolitical realignments, particularly concerning Panama.
Tribal divisions: the rguibate vs. other clans within the polisario
At the core of these revelations lies a golden opportunity for Rabat: the potential defection of high-ranking Polisario officials. The Moroccan Ambassador detailed multiple approaches from an individual identified as M. Sliman, the alias for Salama Ould Hennane. A native of Dakhla, belonging to the Oulad Dlim tribe, Hennane previously served as the ‘ambassador’ of the RASD in Panama and Central America.
Sliman’s assessment was stark: a “very strong discontent” was brewing within the separatist movement. The primary cause? Blatant favoritism shown by the Polisario leadership towards the Rguibatte tribe, at the expense of other tribal components, including the Oulad Dlim, Oulad Tidrarine, Ait Lahcen, Ait Baamran, and the Takna confederation.
For the former separatist diplomat, the timing was perfect to deliver a decisive blow to the movement:
“This is the ideal moment to undertake an action within the Polisario, to weaken it further and unite the opponents of this movement around the autonomy project.”
Sliman claimed to have secured the agreement of several prominent RASD figures to form an internal opposition. Among these individuals were:
- Ahmed ould Souilem (Minister Delegate for Arab Countries).
- Mahfoud Ould Ahmed Zine (former minister and military region chief).
- Mansour (former Foreign Affairs Minister and representative in Paris).
The audacious plan presented to the DGED involved encouraging these personalities to establish an official opposition group, announce their dissent at an international press conference (likely in Madrid), and publicly declare their support for the Autonomy Project proposed by Morocco. Ambassador Moussa further suggested to his superiors that Sliman be utilized as an “infiltrated agent” to execute this destabilization effectively.
The battle for central america: Algeria’s strategic maneuvers
Beyond internal strife, the correspondence reveals a fierce struggle for influence between Rabat and Algiers across Latin America. In October 2008, Moroccan diplomacy learned that a significant Algerian delegation, led by Algeria’s Ambassador to Washington, Mr. Baali, was preparing for a tour of Central American nations.
Algeria’s objective was clear: to counteract the momentum of Morocco’s autonomy plan, which had been presented to the UN. To sway Latin American capitals, Algeria deployed a comprehensive strategy, offering a “package of cooperation projects” – understood as financial and economic aid – in exchange for alignment with separatist viewpoints. Concurrently, the Polisario dispatched its envoy, Mohamed Yaslem Beissat, to Panama in an attempt to mend emerging fractures.
Panama’s pivotal strategic shift
Panama emerged as the true epicenter of this diplomatic standoff. The documents confirm a significant cooling of relations between Panama City and the separatists. Panamanian authorities, at that time, declined to accredit a new RASD ambassador, effectively downgrading Sahrawi representation to the lesser status of a mere “chargé d’affaires.”
In response to this development, the Moroccan Ambassador alerted Rabat, emphasizing that Panama anticipated a reciprocal gesture. The diplomat urged Morocco to send an official emissary to solidify this bilateral warming and definitively block Algerian efforts.
In a final lobbying push, the Moroccan diplomat disclosed having activated his trusted networks within the Panamanian government to obstruct Polisario requests, issuing a thinly veiled warning: any reversal by Panama “could harm bilateral relations with the Kingdom of Morocco.”
Mohamed abdelaziz’s confidential itinerary
Further demonstrating the precise intelligence gathered by the embassy, a document from October 27, 2008, meticulously detailed the upcoming schedule of the then-Polisario chief, Mohamed Abdelaziz. His agenda included a visit to New York on November 4 for a meeting with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, followed by a trip on November 9 to Valencia, Spain, for the conclusion of the European Conference of Support for the Sahrawi People (EUCOCO).
These diplomatic archives vividly illustrate the stark reality of the Sahara conflict: a clandestine struggle where North Africa and Latin America intersect, and where the strength of alliances is forged as much in the confidential chambers of embassies as it is on the battleground of tribal rivalries.