What is the true extent of corruption in Gabon?

From 29 June to 1 July 2026, Libreville will host a team of international experts sent by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Their task: to examine the measures Gabon has taken to prevent corruption and recover illicit assets, as part of the second review cycle of the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC).

This event may slip under the radar in the news. That would be a serious mistake – failing to discuss or debate it. While the fight against corruption is a flagship cause of the Socialist Democratic Front, it is also a personal commitment.

This review is therefore an opportunity for us, as citizens, patriots and committed socialists, to look closely at this thorny issue at a time when daily news reminds us of the need to wage this battle. What are we talking about?

What the second UNCAC cycle really means

The United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC), ratified by Gabon in 2007, imposes concrete obligations in terms of transparency, institutional oversight, whistleblower protection and recovery of stolen assets. The ongoing peer review mechanism – an evaluation conducted by other signatory states – is being carried out with Chad and Libya. It assesses how Gabon is meeting these commitments, identifies shortcomings and makes recommendations.

After a first cycle from 2010 to 2015 focused on criminalisation and judicial cooperation, the second cycle tackles two major challenges: preventing corruption and recovering assets acquired through illicit means.

What concrete actions have been taken in this area?

In a piece published on 29 June 2024, the question was already raised about the usefulness of the National Commission for the Fight against Corruption and Illicit Enrichment (CNLCEI).

Less than a year after the “Coup of Liberation” on 30 August 2023, the body supposedly created to actively fight corruption and track down those who had illegally enriched themselves under the fallen regime seemed almost pointless – just as it had been under the old regime. The transition had not transformed the institution.

Today, Gabonese people still question its purpose. What assets have been recovered? Who has been prosecuted?

On 11 July 2025, a workshop to promote the ethical code was held in Libreville, bringing together institutions and partners to strengthen public integrity in Gabon. Where does this ethical code stand? Has it taken effect? Is it being enforced within and by the administrations?

On 27 February 2026, two new rapporteurs of the CNLCEI were sworn in before the Court of Cassation in Libreville, in compliance with Article 15 of Law No. 42/2020 of 22 March 2021, which amended Law No. 003/2003 of 7 May 2003 establishing the institution.

This is arguably proof that the institution is functioning and renewing itself – a positive sign. But since that swearing-in ceremony, their actions have remained invisible. And results are still awaited.

Finally, on 13 May 2026, the CNLCEI, with support from the International Organisation of La Francophonie (OIF), held a forum at its headquarters on “good governance, sharing of best practices and institutional strengthening in the service of public integrity.” That initiative shows a genuine will to equip the CNLCEI with training tools and to align its action with international standards.

But do you get the impression that “good governance” is truly shared across public administration? Good governance is not measured by the number of workshops organised or the quality of official statements. It is measured by a real reduction in corruption, the punishment of abuses, the recovery of stolen funds sent abroad, and the trust citizens place in their institutions. It is in this arena that the new authorities of Gabon are truly expected to deliver.

Let us be fair, but clear‑eyed

It would be fair to say that things are being done, and dishonest to deny them. Since the transition, the CNLCEI has seen its powers expanded; new constitutional provisions enshrine transparency in the management of public resources; asset declaration mechanisms have been extended to more civil servants.

In Vienna, during the 17th session of the UNCAC Implementation Review Group, the Gabonese delegation led by Séraphin Ondoumba, Gabon’s focal point with the UNODC, presented the country’s progress: better inter-administrative convergence, uptake of UNODC instruments as levers for public accountability, and a posture of multilateral cooperation based on mutual trust and technical dialogue.

It would be honest to recognise that these developments remain piecemeal measures, without an overarching framework. And that is the central problem: Gabon still does not have a national anti-corruption plan worthy of the name. No integrated strategy, no quantified roadmap, no independent monitoring and evaluation mechanism.

Instruments exist, yes, but they operate in silos, without coherence or central steering. A public policy is not measured by the accumulation of texts – it is measured by their coordinated implementation and tangible results.

So yes, the evaluation mission that will begin in Gabon sends a positive signal that should not be underestimated, especially in a regional context where several states refuse to submit their systems to external scrutiny. But an open posture cannot substitute for a structured strategy.

What we must acknowledge with lucidity

Cooperating with evaluators and international organisations is the bare minimum. What is now expected is that Gabon shows frank and transparent cooperation, laying bare the practices that plague our administration, so that it can be properly assessed and receive relevant recommendations.

International indicators remain worrying, and Gabon’s administrative culture – inherited from decades of tolerance of conflicts of interest, too many single-source public procurement contracts (as the former Minister of Economy and Finance publicly acknowledged: “93.25% of contracts by value were awarded without competitive bidding, i.e., by direct agreement”), and confusion between public goods and private interests – remains deeply rooted.

Gabon still sits in the lower half of global corruption perception rankings (though it gained two points in Transparency International’s index since 2024). Oversight bodies, while formally existing, still suffer from insufficient resources and an independence that is too often theoretical. The judiciary is slow to handle certain emblematic cases. And assets illicitly transferred abroad are subject to no effective, transparent recovery mechanism.

Should we conclude that, when it comes to fighting corruption, Gabon is still lagging behind? That is the answer the evaluation starting next week will give us.

For our part, this week we are launching a mini-awareness campaign on corruption aimed at our fellow citizens.