The political landscape in Sénégal often witnesses power struggles, whether among members of the same party or between distinct political entities. As Lord Palmerston, the British Foreign Secretary, wisely observed in 1848:

In politics, there are no permanent enemies and no permanent friends, only permanent interests.

The current situation at the apex of Sénégal’s executive branch strikingly illustrates this enduring maxim.

The once unified Sonko-Diomaye partnership, comprising Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and his Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko, who previously spoke with one voice, is now grappling with significant internal disagreements. These divergences culminated on May 22, when the President announced the Prime Minister’s dismissal and the dissolution of the government.

While a rally held on November 8, 2025, offered early indications of these fratricidal differences, an interview on May 2, 2026, removed any lingering ambiguity. The President himself acknowledged discord with his Prime Minister, citing the “excessive personalization” of power around the latter.

The recent transformations within the Senegalese political system, marked by the rise of Les Patriotes africains du Sénégal pour le travail, l’éthique et la fraternité (PASTEF), the ruling party, and the sociopolitical realignments observed between 2021 and 2024 amidst considerable political instability, are noteworthy. This anti-establishment party successfully disrupted Sénégal’s traditional sociopolitical order.

The illusion of an indivisible symbolic capital: a two-headed challenge

This unprecedented partnership solidified when Sonko designated Diomaye as his successor after his own candidacy was invalidated. Initially conceived as a politically complementary duo, one managed the state apparatus while the other provided strong political legitimacy during their initial months in power.

However, PASTEF’s major political gathering on November 8, 2025, exposed the limitations of this two-headed illusion, largely driven by Sonko. “The aftermath of November 8,” as Sonko himself declared, marked a crucial turning point for the institutional collaboration between the President and him. Their relationship now appears deadlocked, stemming from disagreements first on the choice of the ruling coalition’s coordinator, then on their differing visions of power, and finally on the selection of allies.

Consequently, the once unifying slogan “Sonko mooy Diomaye” (Sonko is Diomaye, in Wolof), a survival strategy for PASTEF against the former President Macky Sall’s regime, has begun to wane. It is giving way to slogans like “Sonko est Sonko” or “Ousmane est Sonko.” Commentators have highlighted this shift, noting that the proclaimed unity has dissolved, replaced by a visible, almost overt duality where roles are redefined and ambitions asserted.

The perception has evolved: “Diomaye is no longer Sonko. Sonko is no longer Diomaye.” Yet, from the perspective of symbolic domination and reproduction theory, which allowed Sonko to build a “proxy capital,” their symbolic fusion had previously fostered a “unique partisan habitus.” This meant that the homopastefien and supporters of “the Project” no longer saw two distinct representatives but a single, indivisible political force.

This duality at the top is the inevitable outcome of their initial “complementarity” upon entering the executive political arena. The presidential nature of Sénégal’s political system mandates a strong distinction where the President’s authority is not shared. The prerogatives of the President and the Prime Minister are constitutionally defined in articles 42 to 52, transforming their initial fusion into a “gentle rivalry.”

Diomaye often adopts a reserved posture, acting as the guarantor of institutions, while Sonko maintains his style of popular mobilization and disruption. This aligns with what sociologists describe as the position shaping the individual, where institutional roles dictate actions, language, and demeanor, rather than the inverse. The presidential function imposes a “sovereign” habitus that inherently distinguishes itself from the Prime Minister’s “party leader” habitus. This distinction, adhering to an ethic of separation between head of state and party leader roles, led Diomaye to resign from his position as Secretary General and from all executive bodies of the PASTEF party.

Furthermore, an invisible yet real boundary separates the President and his Prime Minister: the transition from informal street communication like “Diomaye is Sonko” to formal institutional communication, where the President’s image takes precedence according to protocol. While Sonko propelled Diomaye to power, the latter now wields discretionary authority, including appointment powers, thus creating a political bipolarization between pro-Diomaye and pro-Sonko factions.

The inherent limits of duality

In physics, fluid mechanics teaches us that when two bodies of different masses share an enclosure, the one with superior mass compresses the other. Applied to Diomaye and Sonko, this illustrates that power is not static, unlike human nature.

Through an upward flow of influence, his charisma, and control of the party, Ousmane Sonko injects popular legitimacy into Bassirou Diomaye Faye’s presidency. Conversely, through a downward flow of influence, Bassirou Diomaye, via his state decrees and decisions, actualizes the aspirations of “the Project” by embedding them into Senegalese positive law. Thus, if Sonko becomes too prominent, his influence encroaches upon Diomaye’s institutional domain.

Should this occur, the President might appear to be under tutelage. Conversely, if Diomaye isolates himself too much, he risks losing the vital source of legitimacy that Sonko represents. They are caught in a system of mutual dependence and potential self-destruction. Power continuously flows between the presidential office and the Prime Minister’s residence, which sustains this gentle rivalry.

By mimicking each other’s desires, they risk becoming antagonistic doubles. The more they resemble each other, the deeper their divergence becomes, as the other reflects one’s own ambition. Both actors covet the same objectives: power, the presidency, leadership. Sonko aspires to hold executive power; Diomaye aims to solidify his seat.

What is unfolding at the highest echelons of power serves as a stark reminder that in politics, a “gentlemen’s agreement” remains a myth for idealists. It is the perennial resurgence of the “number two syndrome.” The presumptive heir, initially loyal and competent, climbs the ranks only to turn against their leader when the latter commands all the spotlight.

The hegemonic actor, in turn, driven by a desire to secure future electoral victories, transforms a loyal ally into an adversary through mistrust. This dynamic fosters a reciprocal paranoia that foreshadows a period of social and political turbulence.