A significant controversy has recently emerged, stemming from a confidential letter purportedly penned by French lawyer and essayist Juan Branco, known for representing figures like Kemi Seba. This correspondence, addressed to Ousmane Sonko during his tenure as Prime Minister of the Republic of Sénégal, reportedly surfaced across social media platforms. Dated February 4, 2025, Branco’s letter outlines five key areas where he sought direct intervention from his close associate, Mr. Sonko.

Regarding a rogatory commission issued by a Spanish judge concerning his alleged abduction in Mauritania, Juan Branco subtly requested Ousmane Sonko to exert influence over Senegalese judicial authorities. The aim was to secure their swift cooperation in the matter. Branco, in his plea, even questioned Sénégal’s state sovereignty, hinting at French clandestine involvement in the handling of this particular file.

Concerning intelligence service records, Branco sought access to Senegalese intelligence documents pertaining to himself, specifically those originating from the previous political administration under President Macky Sall, and notably, any connections with French secret services. The lawyer asserted he was the target of a «very powerful counter-narrative» in France, fueling ongoing disciplinary and criminal proceedings against him. He recounted a «Kompromat» attempt in October 2023, designed to compromise him, reportedly involving at least one Senegalese agent just prior to a crucial hearing in Sénégal. Such a request for classified information, as outlined, directly constitutes an incitement to undermine national defense secrecy (Articles 61 et seq. of the Senegalese Penal Code) and a violation of professional secrecy (Article 371 of the Senegalese Penal Code), amounting to the offense of communicating non-disclosable information.

Regarding the criminal proceedings in France and before the International Criminal Court (ICC) concerning alleged crimes against humanity linked to former President Macky Sall, Juan Branco implored Sonko to take direct action, specifically requesting financial backing for the case. Such an appeal for direct intervention by Ousmane Sonko in this sensitive matter carries significant judicial and political risks for both individuals, given the clear breaches of legal frameworks it entails. Legally, asking the Prime Minister to transmit intelligence dossiers without a judge’s official request directly incites violations of national defense secrecy and professional secrecy, offenses severely punishable under the Senegalese Penal Code. For Branco, acquiring these classified documents would immediately constitute the crime of receiving state secrets. Furthermore, seeking public or party funding (via the PASTEF party) for private legal actions concerning crimes against humanity in France, especially when the Senegalese state is not a civil party, poses a major risk of public funds embezzlement or misuse of political finances. By bypassing official judicial channels, like rogatory commissions, in favor of a private arrangement based on political affinity, this approach undermines the credibility of international procedures and transforms a pursuit of justice into a series of potential criminal transgressions that could ultimately rebound on their instigators.

Turning to the matters of nationality and professional roles, Juan Branco reminded the Prime Minister of his previously articulated aspiration, dating back to May 2024, to serve as the Republic of Sénégal’s representative at the United Nations in New York. He believed such an appointment would have carried significant symbolic and political weight, aligning with the new administration’s «sovereignist and pan-Africanist» agenda, and affirmed his commitment to loyally convey the Senegalese President’s message despite his French citizenship. Having learned through media reports that another diplomat had been selected, Branco pivoted to a new request: acquiring Senegalese nationality through exceptional presidential prerogatives. This naturalization, he argued, would enable him to join the Senegalese Bar and lecture at the Cheikh Anta Diop University (UCAD) in Dakar. This particular demand exposes Branco’s attempt to circumvent established republican and corporate regulations. By soliciting the Prime Minister for the discretionary grant of Senegalese citizenship and direct interventions to facilitate his entry into the Bar and UCAD, these actions infringe upon the principle of equality before the law and the independence of these institutions. Similarly, his earlier ambition to represent Sénégal at the UN presented a substantial risk of conflicts of interest and geopolitical interference due to his French nationality. Beyond these potential breaches, this segment of the letter illustrates a significant shift in his relationship with Ousmane Sonko: Branco, positioning himself as a moral creditor due to past sacrifices (including detention and abduction), appears to be leveraging his activism in exchange for influential political and symbolic positions. Observing with evident frustration his exclusion from diplomatic circles by an administration now constrained by state realities and keen to uphold its sovereignist image, Branco’s dynamic with Sonko transitioned from a militant alliance to a subtle pursuit of claims, where demands for administrative and financial favors sought to mitigate his political disillusionment.

Addressing financial matters, Juan Branco provided an account of the funds he had received. He stated a total of 15,000 euros in fees between 2023 and 2025, which included 2,000 euros in expense reimbursements from his Senegalese colleague, Maître Bamba Cissé, during a trip to Dakar. Branco clarified that these funds were allocated to cover material expenses such as airline tickets and travel, as well as cabinet costs for interns and collaborators, all linked to a «representation mandate» entrusted by Sonko’s political faction. He concluded by asserting that these sums were grossly inadequate to compensate for his extensive work, the costs associated with his alleged abduction and detention, and the ongoing legal proceedings he faced in France. This segment of the letter unveils an opaque and unconventional accounting practice, potentially exposing both individuals to significant criminal and ethical liabilities. By claiming to have received 15,000 euros in fees and reimbursements through indirect channels, notably a transfer from Maître Bamba Cissé for a «representation mandate» from Sonko’s camp, Juan Branco highlights a complete absence of a formal public and legal contractual framework with the State of Sénégal. Should these funds be traced back to public sources, this private, direct transaction — conducted outside stringent public procurement procedures and the State’s legal agent — could legally be deemed embezzlement of public funds. Furthermore, the financial opacity raises concerns about non-compliance with invoicing regulations and capital flow traceability. In terms of their personal dynamic, this financial reckoning marks a pragmatic pivot: the lawyer, having observed the failure of his political appointment ambitions (UN, UCAD) in the preceding section, opted to present an invoice for his activism, emphasizing his physical sacrifices (abduction, detention) to demand financial compensation, thereby transforming what was initially portrayed as an ideological and selfless alliance into a purely transactional and mercantile power dynamic.