Following the military takeover in Niger on July 26, 2023, global responses emerged swiftly. Key international bodies such as CEDEAO, the AU, alongside nations like the USA, France, and Russia, promptly declared their positions. In Bénin, President Patrice Talon‘s involvement and the prospect of a military intervention have not been universally welcomed. Western media reports suggest Bénin might commit troops alongside CEDEAO to confront the military junta. Numerous stakeholders, including the Catholic Church and various political figures, have voiced strong opposition to military action, advocating instead for diplomatic channels to resolve the ongoing crisis.

Elected representatives from the opposition party, « Les Démocrates », have explicitly challenged the government’s approach to the situation, presenting a comprehensive list of 19 urgent inquiries. Their core concern revolves around the justification for Bénin’s military engagement, particularly given the long-standing fraternal bond between Bénin and Niger. They express apprehension regarding adherence to the Beninese constitution, the safety of deployed troops, and importantly, the potential for conflict escalation and its far-reaching implications for civilian populations and for Bénin itself.

Beyond military considerations, significant economic and diplomatic issues have also been brought to the forefront. The decision to close borders with Niger could trigger substantial repercussions for the Port Autonome de Cotonou and the broader Beninese economy, already feeling the strain of CEDEAO sanctions. Amidst rising prices for essential commodities and adverse effects on various economic sectors, the opposition demands concrete answers from the government.

Dialogue is increasingly seen as the preferred resolution by many regional and international entities. The opposition lawmakers remind President Patrice Talon of his own past statements advocating for dialogue as an alternative to coups d’état, urging him to implement such inclusive discussions within Bénin. This period calls for careful consideration, thorough questioning, and above all, the pursuit of peaceful and consensual solutions for the region’s future.

parliamentary inquiry regarding government policy

On July 26, 2023, a military coup in Niger abruptly ended the constitutional term of President Mohamed Bazoum. This event provoked reactions from numerous states globally and from sub-regional and regional organizations, notably CEDEAO, the AU, and the UN. On Thursday, August 10, 2023, the heads of state and government of CEDEAO member countries convened an extraordinary summit, concluding with decisions including the order to deploy the CEDEAO standby force to restore constitutional order in the Republic of Niger.

In response, the government of Bénin, through various declarations, has committed to deploying Beninese troops as part of the CEDEAO contingent intended to confront the military junta in power. Considering this governmental choice to involve the Beninese state in a conflict against the sovereign and fraternal people of Niger, a decision that appears to violate Article 101 of our constitution, and given that sanctions imposed by the CEDEAO Heads of State conference during its July 30, 2023, session in Abuja are already severely impacting our country’s economic, social, and security situation, the national representation, in accordance with Article 108 and its various paragraphs of the National Assembly’s internal regulations, requests the government to address the following concerns:

1. What measures has the government taken to consult parliament regarding the commitment of Beninese troops to CEDEAO operations in Niger, should the proposed military option be implemented, in adherence to Article 101, paragraph 1, of our constitution, which states: « a declaration of war must be authorized by the National Assembly »?
2. In anticipation of this potential conflict with the sovereign people of Niger, several nations like France and the United States have arranged for the evacuation of their citizens from Niger. What provisions has the government of Bénin made for its nationals residing in Niger?
3. Given that Bénin and Niger share a fraternal bond, what justifies Bénin’s willingness to send troops to attack Niger, while other CEDEAO member states not bordering Niger decline to participate?
4. What is the projected number of Beninese soldiers and the essential logistical support the government intends to provide to the CEDEAO contingent? What is the estimated cost of Bénin’s potential involvement in this operation, and who will bear these expenses?
5. Should an aggression against our brotherly nation of Niger occur, can our government guarantee that no civilian lives in Niger will be lost, nor those of our own soldiers?
6. What provisions has the government made for each soldier in terms of allowances, and for each soldier’s family in the tragic event of a Beninese soldier’s death during operations?
7. As Bénin shares a border with Niger, what assurance can the government provide that, in the event of retaliation by the Nigerien army, no casualties will be recorded on Beninese territory?
8. Can the government reassure the public that, in the event of war with Niger, potential jihadists will not exploit the situation to infiltrate our country, as observed during the conflict in Libya?
9. Would it not be more prudent to prioritize political and diplomatic dialogue, similar to the approaches taken in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Guinea?
10. Is it not possible for Bénin to once again lead within CEDEAO in preventing coups d’état by actively combating electoral exclusions, the imprisonment, and exile of political opponents?
11. Why does CEDEAO react more swiftly to military coups while seemingly tolerating institutional coups, as witnessed in Côte d’Ivoire in 2020, Guinea in 2021, and Bénin in 2019, 2020, and 2021, among other nations?
12. Is the reinstatement of President Mohamed Bazoum‘s power more valuable than the lives of thousands of Nigerien civilians and CEDEAO contingent soldiers who could perish?
13. What would be the future of Niger following such a conflict?
14. The populations within the CEDEAO region no longer trust our organization, often labeling it a ‘syndicate of Heads of State.’ What steps does Bénin intend to take to restore the image of this sub-regional body?
15. Following the extraordinary CEDEAO summit, President Patrice Talon mentioned dialogue as an alternative to coups d’état. When can the inclusive dialogue, so desired by the Beninese opposition, be expected?
16. What are the implications of closing our borders with Niger on the operations of the Port Autonome de Cotonou?
17. What are the impacts of the existing CEDEAO sanctions on the Beninese economy and its populace?
18. What immediate measures has the government already implemented to counter the rising prices of essential goods?
19. What assistance does the Beninese government plan to offer economic actors (such as port operators, transporters, and other businesses) who are already suffering the consequences of the sanctions imposed by CEDEAO?