The controversy surrounding political funds has ignited intense discussions in Senegal’s political arena. On television screens, social media platforms, and public forums, politicians, former ministers, and lawmakers are locked in heated exchanges over a topic that has suddenly become explosive. At its core, the debate questions who, before Ousmane Sonko, actually controlled these discretionary funds allocated to the Prime Minister’s office, and how they were used. This discussion unfolds against a backdrop of heightened tension, as the National Assembly convenes in an extraordinary session since August 10, examining a bill to regulate special credits and secret funds, alongside proposals on asset declarations, labor laws, and the creation of six parliamentary inquiry commissions.

From 650 million to 1.7 billion: the evolving scale of political funds

Historical records reveal a striking increase in the size of these discretionary funds over successive administrations. Under former President Abdou Diouf, allocations hovered around 650 million CFA francs. By the time of Abdoulaye Wade’s presidency, this figure had ballooned to nearly 8 billion CFA francs. A report by State General Inspectors covering 2008-2012 disclosed that 108 billion CFA francs in political funds were spent during this period, with 48 billion left unaccounted for in public financial reports—a revelation that has long haunted Senegal’s transparency records.

The spark ignited by Aly Ngouille Ndiaye

The debate took a dramatic turn with a bold statement from former Interior Minister Aly Ngouille Ndiaye during a television appearance. Known for his outspoken nature, he asserted that Ousmane Sonko was the first Senegalese Prime Minister to receive dedicated political funds: “In reality, he was the first head of government to be entitled to these funds. I was never Prime Minister, but some former Prime Ministers are listening to me right now, and only Boun Abdallah Dionne is no longer with us. I know he never had access to such funds. This system only began with Sonko.”

Ndiaye also raised questions about the 1.7 billion CFA franc figure frequently cited by Sonko, highlighting inconsistencies in its frequency: “Some claim it’s quarterly, others say annually. If it’s annual, Sonko would be around 8 billion per year. But I know the first 1.7 billion CFA francs were exhausted. If it’s annual and depleted within a quarter, that’s alarmingly rapid.” He echoed earlier claims by the Minister of Petroleum and Energy, Abdourahmane Diouf, that this initial allocation was fully consumed before Sonko requested additional funds—a scenario Ndiaye presented as evidence that his successor found nothing left in the Prime Minister’s coffers. For Ndiaye, this demands urgent clarification: “In the inquiry commissions, he should have included his own case for transparency’s sake. There are even things I know but cannot disclose here.”

Former Prime Ministers push back against the narrative

Ndiaye’s remarks triggered a wave of counterarguments, particularly from former officials who provided archival testimonies. Souleymane Ndéné Ndiaye, Wade’s last Prime Minister, stated in a 2025 interview: “Even when I was Director of the President’s Cabinet, I received political funds every month.” This disclosure places the existence of such funds long before his tenure as Prime Minister, dating back to his role in the presidential office. Observers argue this undermines Ndiaye’s claim that Sonko pioneered the system.

Further contradictions emerged from declarations attributed to former Prime Minister Macky Sall, who served under Wade between 2004 and 2007, and Idrissa Seck, Wade’s Prime Minister from 2002 to 2004. Social media users also recalled an episode where Wade allegedly used his presidential discretionary funds to support his Prime Minister’s expenses, highlighting the longstanding nature of these practices.

The Pastef camp dismisses the claims as baseless

The government-aligned response came from Elimane Pouye, CEO of the Société de Gestion et d’Exploitation du Patrimoine bâti (SOGEPA SN), who dismissed the allegations as “gratuitous assertions.” He urged comparisons of the Prime Minister’s office budgets for 2023, 2024, and 2025, arguing that variations were due to institutional changes rather than irregularities. For Pouye, the real issue isn’t whether such funds existed before Sonko, but how predecessors used them. He emphasized that the debate should focus on democratic accountability in public spending rather than sensationalized disputes over amounts and timelines.

Pastef supporters also pointed out that the party had denounced the lack of oversight on these funds since 2014 and included their regulation in its 2019 electoral manifesto—long before Sonko became Prime Minister in 2024. This, they argue, proves the practice was known and documented long before his administration.

A deeper look into the historical use of these funds

To move beyond the current controversy, parliamentary records offer a broader historical perspective. The Program National de Développement Local (PNDL), a 100 billion CFA franc fund managed by the Prime Minister’s office, became a focal point of scrutiny after Idrissa Seck’s tenure under Wade. Investigations into his management of the program and two properties in Saly and Atlanta raised concerns about possible illicit enrichment—a case that remains a cautionary tale in Senegal’s political memory.

Calls for legal oversight and transparency

Legislators have taken the lead in demanding stricter controls. Deputy Guy Marius Sagna revealed he submitted a bill in September 2025 to create a “Commission for Verification of Political Funds”, initially to Ousmane Sonko as party leader. Sonko reportedly asked him to delay, preferring a government-led reform. Sagna later amended the proposal to include stricter oversight, though he expressed frustration that the President seemed inclined to “continue the status quo.” He has since tabled four bills, one of which establishes a commission to audit political funds.

Deputy Thierno Alassane Sall, a former Energy Minister known for his 2017 resignation over transparency issues, went further, calling political funds “outright theft.” He condemned their lack of parliamentary approval, stating: “The Prime Minister discussed these funds in May, but it’s not for him to decide.” While distinguishing them from presidential intelligence funds, he insisted the debate must center on legality and accountability.

Not all voices align. El Hadj Momar Samb, Secretary-General of the RTA-S, accused the parliamentary majority of “opportunism,” noting that many current majority members held senior state positions in recent years without advocating for these reforms earlier. While supporting transparency, he called for broader parliamentary oversight, including audits of the National Water and Sanitation Office (ONAS), oil revenue tracking, and regional development funds.

Official stance: regulation, not abolition

In May, President Bassirou Diomaye Faye defended the retention of these funds, citing their role in intelligence gathering and social solidarity. He argued that outright abolition could create a vacuum in addressing urgent social needs. Sonko concurred, rejecting abolition but endorsing regulation. In a May 22, 2026 address to the National Assembly, he cited a 1.77 billion CFA franc allocation to the Prime Minister’s office.

The extraordinary session convened on August 10, 2026, reflects this tension. The agenda includes an urgent review of a bill to regulate special credits and secret funds, alongside constitutional amendments on presidential asset declarations. This debate underscores the persistent divide between longstanding institutional practices—documented across regimes from Diouf to today—and the transparency demands championed by the new administration since 2024.