Niamey News

The signing of three tripartite agreements in Lomé has triggered a wave of reactions across West Africa and beyond, as observers, humanitarian actors and displaced communities themselves begin to weigh what the framework actually delivers. Benin, Ghana, Togo, Burkina Faso and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) formalised the accords on 11 September, setting out a structure for the eventual voluntary, safe and dignified return of Burkinabè who have sought shelter in the three neighbouring states. But the immediate aftermath has been dominated less by celebration than by a single, insistent question: can safety truly be assured for those who would go back?

A framework, not a departure date

The agreements do not amount to an immediate repatriation plan. What they establish is a cooperation mechanism between Burkina Faso, UNHCR and each of the three host nations — Benin, Ghana and Togo. The texts lay out arrangements for consultation, monitoring and the preparation of possible return operations, along with the reintegration of those concerned.

That distinction matters greatly. In a Sahel region shaped by forced displacement, the very word “return” can be read as a signal to pack up and leave. The principle upheld by UNHCR is different: repatriation must be voluntary, safe and dignified, and refugees must be in a position to make an informed choice about their own futures.

Host countries under strain

For years, insecurity in Burkina Faso has driven thousands across borders. Benin, Ghana and Togo now find themselves on the front line of a crisis they did not create.

The numbers tell the story. In Benin, more than 11,000 refugees from Burkina Faso were registered as of 31 May 2026. In Ghana, statistics from June 2026 recorded 13,368 Burkinabè refugees — close to two-thirds of the country’s entire refugee population. Ghana had set up reception centres in the border areas of Tarikom and Zini and, in February 2025, granted prima facie refugee status to Burkinabè seeking protection.

Togo has also absorbed a significant influx of people fleeing Sahel insecurity. According to UNHCR, the country hosted around 65,100 refugees and asylum seekers in June 2026, 86 per cent of them from Burkina Faso.

These figures give the Lomé accords a human dimension. They concern families who left their villages, abandoned their belongings and, in some cases, lost loved ones — not abstract population movements.

Return cannot paper over the causes of exile

This is where the role of the Burkinabè authorities becomes decisive. For several years, Burkina Faso has faced an insurgency led in part by Islamist armed groups, alongside serious allegations concerning operations by government forces and allied militias.

Human Rights Watch states that the human rights situation deteriorated further in 2025. The organisation documents abuses attributed both to Islamist armed groups and to government forces and pro-government militias, including killings of civilians, forced displacement and tightening restrictions on media, opposition figures and civil society.

In a report released in April 2026, Human Rights Watch documented 57 incidents and gathered testimony from hundreds of people to examine violence committed since 2023. It concludes that Burkinabè forces and their allied militias, as well as Islamist armed groups, bear responsibility for grave abuses that may amount to war crimes or crimes against humanity, and calls for accountability through credible investigations.

These allegations bear directly on the environment to which refugees would be asked to return. A repatriation operation cannot be treated as a solution merely because a diplomatic agreement has been signed.

The junta and the question of security guarantees

Since the September 2022 coup, Burkina Faso has been led by military authorities under Captain Ibrahim Traoré. Human Rights Watch reports that the junta extended the transition period and narrowed political and civic space, with measures targeting journalists, opponents and civil society organisations.

The organisation has also documented disappearances, forced conscription and restrictions on critical voices. In May 2026, it again condemned the tightening of measures against independent media and information.

For refugees, none of this is secondary. The fundamental issue remains protection: can they return to their villages without fearing fresh violence? Will their homes and land be accessible? Will they have access to civil documentation, healthcare, schools and livelihoods? And above all, will mechanisms exist for them to report any violations?

UNHCR itself notes that durable return presupposes that the root causes of displacement have been sufficiently addressed and that peace allows people to live without being forced to flee again.

Benin, Ghana and Togo: the responsibility of host nations

Against this backdrop, the stance of Benin, Ghana and Togo is a key element of the regional response. By sheltering populations forced to flee, these three countries have shouldered a heavy humanitarian burden despite their own security and economic challenges.

The Lomé agreement makes it possible not to set reception against return. It gives the countries involved a framework to prepare for the future while upholding the principle of voluntariness.

It is also a signal of regional cooperation. Gulf of Guinea states are directly exposed to the consequences of the Sahel crisis. Population movements do not stop at borders and therefore require coordination among states, international organisations and local communities.

Benin, Ghana and Togo can thus be seen not only as Burkina Faso’s neighbours, but as actors in the regional response to the crisis.

A signature, but not yet a return

The Lomé accords are therefore closer to a roadmap than a repatriation timetable. Their effectiveness will depend on how they are applied and, above all, on the conditions prevailing in Burkina Faso.

The message to refugees is clear: their return must be voluntary and must take place once conditions of safety and dignity are in place. That caution is all the more important given that Burkina Faso’s context remains marked by armed violence and allegations of abuses involving multiple parties to the conflict.

For Benin, Ghana and Togo, the challenge is now twofold: continue protecting those in need of asylum while preparing, with UNHCR and the Burkinabè authorities, the conditions for a possible return.

Because a refugee only truly goes home when they can live there in safety. The real success of the Lomé accords will not be measured by the number of people sent back to Burkina Faso, but by the number able to return freely, rejoin their communities and rebuild their lives without being forced to flee once more.